我没有说话(作者:马丁·尼莫拉)

德文(1976年原文版)
Als die Nazis die Kommunisten holten,
habe ich geschwiegen;
ich war ja kein Kommunist.
Als sie die Sozialdemokraten einsperrten,
habe ich geschwiegen;
ich war ja kein Sozialdemokrat.
Als sie die Gewerkschafter holten,
habe ich nicht protestiert;
ich war ja kein Gewerkschafter.
Als sie die Juden holten,
habe ich geschwiegen;
ich war ja kein Jude.
Als sie mich holten,
gab es keinen mehr, der protestieren konnte.
英文
They first came for the Communists,
and I didn’t speak up
because I wasn’t a Communist.
Then they came for the Jews,
and I didn’t speak up
because I wasn’t a Jew.
Then they came for the trade unionists,
and I didn’t speak up
because I wasn’t a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Catholics,
and I didn’t speak up
because I was a Protestant.
Then they came for me,
but by that time,
there was no one left to speak up.
中文
纳粹杀共产党时,
我没有出声
–因为我不是共产党员;
接着他们迫害犹太人,
我没有出声
–因为我不是犹太人;
然后他们杀工会成员,
我没有出声
–因为我不是工会成员;
后来他们迫害天主教徒,
我没有出声
–因为我是新教徒;
最后当他们开始对付我的时候,
已经没有人能站出来为我发声了。 作者:马丁·尼莫拉。他曾经生活在一个黑暗的时代,遭受过极权统治的迫害,这一经历对他来说,有着切肤之痛。因为自己的惨痛经历,他认识到:在这个世界上,人与人的命运往往是休戚与共的。不坚持真理,不伸张正义,不维护公平,在邪恶面前只顾及自身的利益,对他人被冤屈被欺凌被迫害漠然置之,最终受到惩罚的是我们自己。
This statement, attributed to Pastor Niemoeller, has become a legendary expression of the lesson of the Holocaust.Ironically, Niemoeller had delivered anti-Semitic sermons early in the
Nazi regime. He later opposed Hitler and was sent to a concentration camp.(尼莫拉牧师的这番陈辞,已成为大屠杀教训的传奇注脚。在纳粹统治早期,尼莫拉曾作反犹太人的布道,后来他以希特勒为敌而被关进集中营)

《I have a dream》Martin Luther King, Jr.《我有一个梦想》马丁·路德·金

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “for whites only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest – quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” – one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jarring discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day – this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that. Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 今天,我高兴的同大家一起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前,一位伟大的美国人–今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下–签署了《解放黑奴宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 然而100年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨。100年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天,黑人仍然蜷缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。 就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时,曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言,他们承诺所有人–不论白人还是黑人–都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产,我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现–这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义保障。 我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国,现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候,现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候,现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来,置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。 如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心,那么,这对美国来说,将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来,黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束,而是开始。有人希望,黑人只要撒撒气就会满足;如果国家安之若素,毫无反应,这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的基本权利,美国就不可能有安宁或平静,正义的光明的一天不到来,叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。 但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们,有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中,我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体,纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。 现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神,但是不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到,他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的,他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。 当我们行动时,我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人,“你们什么时候才能满足?” 只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害,我们就绝不会满足。 只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所,我们就绝不会满足。 只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区,我们就绝不会满足。 只要我们的孩子被“仅限白人”的标语剥夺自我和尊严,我们就绝不会满足。 只要密西西比州仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举,只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事,我们就绝不会满足。 不!我们现在并不满足,我们将来也不满足,除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛,汹涌澎湃,滚滚而来。 我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨,有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房,有些由于寻求自由,曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。 让我们回到密西西比去,回到亚拉巴马去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到佐治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不可自拔。 朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想,这个梦想深深扎根于美国的梦想之中。 我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为真理是不言而喻,人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。 我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风,如同沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。 我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。 今天,我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有朝一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。 今天,我有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。 这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。 有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。 在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:“我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山岗。” 如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现! 让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来! 让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来! 让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼山响起来! 让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来! 让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来! 不仅如此,还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来! 让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来! 让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来! 让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来! 当我们让自由之声响起,让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时,我们将能够加速这一天的到来,那时,上帝的所有儿女,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,都将手携手,合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌: “自由啦!自由啦!感谢全能上帝,我们终于自由啦!”

震撼世界的一段碑文 很多人后悔没有早点看到

震撼世界的一段碑文 很多人后悔没有早点看到 2017年5月29日未分类张 在伦敦闻名世界的威斯敏斯特大教堂地下室的墓碑林中,有一块名扬世界的墓碑。 其实这只是一块很普通的墓碑,粗糙的花岗石质地,造型也很一般,同周围那些质地上乘、做工优良的亨利三世到乔治二世等二十多位英国前国王墓碑,以及牛顿、达尔文、狄更斯等名人的墓碑比较起来,它显得微不足道,不值一提。并且它没有姓名,没有生卒年月,甚至上面连墓主的介绍文字也没有。 但是,就是这样一块无名氏墓碑,却成为名扬全球的著名墓碑。每一个到过威斯特敏斯特大教堂的人,他们可以不去拜谒那些曾经显赫一世的英国前国王们,可以不去拜谒那诸如狄更斯、达尔文等世界名人们,但他们却没有人不来拜谒这一块普通的墓碑,他们都被这块墓碑深深地震撼着,准确地说,他们被这块墓碑上的碑文深深地震撼着。在这块墓碑上,刻着这样的一段话: When I was young and free and my imagination had no limits,I dreamed of changing theworld. mmexport1478082226663 As I grew older and wiser, I discovered the world would not change, so I shortened my sights somewhat and decided to change only my country. But it, too, seemed immovable. As I grewinto my twilight years, in one last desperate attempt, I settled for changing only my family, those closest to me, but alas, they would have none of it. And now, as Ilie on my death bed, I suddenly realize: If I had only changed myself first, then by example I would have changed my family.From their in spiration and encouragement, I would then have been able to better my country,and who knows, I may have even changed the world. 译文: 当我年轻的时候,我的想象力从没有受到过限制,我梦想改变这个世界。 当我成熟以后,我发现我不能改变这个世界,我将目光缩短了些,决定只改变我的国家。 mmexport1478082232268 当我进入暮年后,我发现我不能改变我的国家,我的最后愿望仅仅是改变一下我的家庭。但是,这也不可能。 当我躺在床上,行将就木时,我突然意识到: 如果一开始我仅仅去改变我自己,然后作为一个榜样,我可能改变我的家庭;在家人的帮助和鼓励下,我可能为国家做一些事情。然后谁知道呢?我甚至可能改变这个世界。 许多世界政要和名人看到这块碑文时都感慨不已。有人说这是一篇人生的教义,有人说这是灵魂的一种自省。 当年轻的曼德拉看到这篇碑文时,顿然有醍醐灌顶之感,声称自己从中找到了改变南非甚至整个世界的金钥匙。回到南非后,这个志向远大、原本赞同以暴治暴填平种族歧视鸿沟的黑人青年,一下子改变的自己的思想和处世风格,他从改变自己、改变自己的家庭和亲朋好友着手,经历了几十年,终于改变了他的国家。